Abstract

In Japan, the creation of community spaces for the elderly has recently become an important issue.  This report points out the following findings and characteristics of community spaces for the elderly based on a survey conducted by the authors in Kobe City, Hyogo Prefecture.

1．There is no difference in the frequency and purpose of use of spaces of residence between the semi-seniors  (60-74 years old) and the seniors (75 years old and above). There is no difference in the frequency and purpose of use of community spaces.

2．Comparing male and female respondents, only about a quarter of male respondents use community spaces. This indicates that men do not participate with the community and are isolated.

3．Although the percentage of men who use community spaces is low, they are more interested in solving local issues than women. Therefore, increasing the participation of men may lead to the resolution of community issues.

Introduction

　The coronavirus infection (COVID-19) pandemic that emerged at the end of 2019 has spread worldwide. By December 2020, the death toll had reached 1.61 million worldwide and was still rising. The global pandemic of the coronavirus has had a profound impact on all aspects of the socio-economy and has radically changed people’s daily lives. The term “corona disaster” was coined to refer to the calamity and critical situations caused by the virus.

　The corona disaster hits the socially vulnerable. In particular, it has caused great difficulties in the lives of the elderly. The mass media reports daily that the elderly are more likely to suffer serious complications from coronavirus infection. For that reason, the elderly stop going out to avoid risking their lives. Not only are the elderly refraining from going out, but their families are also refraining from visiting to their elderly parents in their hometowns to avoid infection. Many nursing homes also refrain from visiting or going out, and it can be said that 2020 is the year when the social isolation of the elderly due to the corona disease has become significantly more serious.

　An even bigger problem is that the Corona disaster has enabled human rights violations against the elderly all over the world. According to an article by Human Rights Watch, the global human rights NGO, a former Ukrainian health minister said in an interview that people over 65 are “already dead” and that the government should focus its response to the new coronavirus infection on those who are “still alive”. The report also criticized the Texas lieutenant governor for calling for “the elderly to be willing to sacrifice themselves for the economy, so let’s get back to work”. Human Rights Watch has described such comments age discrimination that ignores equality in human age and a human rights issue.

　By the way, although the social isolation of the elderly and human rights issues became a major issue after the Corona disaster, the isolation of the elderly was a problem that existed before the Corona disaster. In other words, it can be said that the Corona disaster brought into sharp relief isolation problems that the elderly has already been facing in their social lives. It can be said that it is now necessary to reconsider the issues of social isolation and human rights violations among the elderly, and to make further efforts to eliminate the isolation of the elderly and age discrimination in the future.

　 In this paper, I will focus on the creation of Ibasho居場所：community spaces, which have been implemented throughout Japan in recent years. Ibasho: 居場所 are given various names such as a gathering place, a local place, and a local cafe. In this paper, I would like to consider what issues need to be addressed for these community spaces to improve the health of the elderly and eliminate social isolation.
　In first section, I will show the status and issues of the elderly living in the community based on various social surveys, and in second section, I will introduce the status of government and private sector support for the creation of community spaces. In section 3 and 4, I will describe the current situation of community spaces in Kobe based on a survey conducted by the authors and demonstrate that the elderly are valuable contributors to community themselves.
　I mentioned earlier that the Corona disaster has caused age discrimination, but this discrimination is largely due to a lack of understanding of the elderly. In order to correct the lack of understanding and eliminate prejudice in the general public, I will show that if effective conditions are created for the elderly, they can become a vital human resource in local communities.

1: Social Isolation of the Elderly and the Importance of Gathering Spaces

　(1) The British Minister for Loneliness and the Unrelated Society in Japan

　In all developed countries, loneliness is a major social problem. In the United Kingdom, a Minister of State with the unfamiliar name of “Minister for Loneliness” was appointed in 2018. According to an internet article, more than 9 million people in the UK feel lonely all the time, and two-thirds of them complain of feeling ” hard to live”. There are 200,000 elderly people in the population who say they don’t talk to their friends and family once a month. One out of every four physically disabled people feels lonely daily. The Minister of State for Loneliness was created to solve these serious loneliness problems.

　Although Japan does not have a minister in charge of loneliness, loneliness is still a serious social problem, and in 2010, NHK aired a special program titled “A Society Without Relationships: The Impact of 32,000 ‘Deaths Without Relationships'” and reported on the increasing number of “unrelated remains” that have no one to take them in. Since then, the term “unrelated society” has become popular, meaning a lonely society with no one to rely on. According to an article in the Asahi newspaper, in Osaka City, which has the largest number of unrelated remains taken care of by local governments in Japan, the number of remains placed in the unrelated halls of municipal cemeteries in 1990 was 336, but in 2018, the number jumped to 2,366. The article said that increase in the number of unrelated remains can be attributed to the weakening of family relationships.

　The issue of “unrelated deaths” and “unrelated remains” highlights the fact that Japanese society is rapidly becoming “unrelated.”  Close relationships with the community and family that once existed in Japanese society, are being lost. In addition, the lifelong employment system has been broken, and the strong relationship with the company, which was once a characteristic of Japanese society, has been lost. The loss of geographical, blood, and company ties has created a society without ties.

　

(2) Current state of isolation among the elderly as seen from various surveys

In research on social isolation, the following indicators have been used to measure social isolation: frequency of conversations, presence or absence of people who can be relied on (e.g., people who can provide support when needed, such as in the case of illness), and participation in social activities (e.g., local organizations, volunteer activities, hobbies, sports groups). From the surveys conducted using these indicators, let us examine the characteristics of isolation among the elderly in Japan.

a. International comparison of the lives and attitudes of the elderly

　The Cabinet Office in Japan has been continuously conducting international comparative surveys on the lives and attitudes of the elderly (aged 60 and over). This survey compares the situation of “People who can be counted on”, which is one of the indicators of isolation mentioned above.

　In the survey in 2015, the respondents were asked if they had anyone other than their family members living with them whom they could rely on when they were sick or needed to perform tasks necessary for daily life that they could not do alone. As shown in Figure 1, the results show that in each country, the highest percentage of respondents were “family members or relatives living separately” (66.2% in Japan, 60.7% in the U.S., 69.0% in Germany, and 59.2% in Sweden). On the other hand, the percentage of “friends” is the lowest in Japan (18.5%), while it is over 40% in the three Western countries (U.S.A.45.0%, Germany 45.0%, Sweden 43.4%). The percentage of “neighbors” is also answered to a certain extent, except in Japan. Furthermore, the percentage of “There is no one I can rely on” is the highest in Japan (16.1%) among the countries surveyed. The situation appears to be that the elderly in Japan have no one to rely on other than their families in times of need.

b. Relationship with neighbors

　As shown in Fig. 2, the highest percentage of respondents in Japan (67.3%) said that they “just stand outside and talk”, followed by “giving and receiving things” (41.9%). These figures are more than 20% higher than those of the U.S. and Germany, and at first glance relationship with neighbors in Japan are very close. However, when it comes to “helping each other when I was sick” and “asking for advice when I had a problem,” Japan had the lowest rate among the four countries (24.2%).

　In other words, elderly families in Japan try to exchange greetings with their neighbors and remember to return the gifts they receive. There seems to be a high level of concern for their neighbors and a sense of care to maintain good relationships with them. However, this care and consideration does not lead to deeper relationships of mutual help. It can be inferred that in times of emergency, Japanese elderly households are unable to ask for help from their neighbors and tend to isolate themselves.

c. Survey on the isolation of single elderly people　

　The Survey on Attitudes of the Elderly toward Daily Life (2014) conducted by the Cabinet Office shows the isolated situation of single persons among the elderly (Figure 3). In terms of the degree to which they get to know their neighbors, most households of all types answered, “only say hello”. However, 46.1% of respondents in three-generation households and 31.0% of respondents in two-marriage households answered that they keep in “close relationship” with their neighbors, but only 26.0% of respondents in single-person households did so. It can be seen that the elderly in single-person households are less likely to be close neighbors.

d. Close associates and friends

　The survey also shows that single-person households have fewer close friends and associates. When respondents who answered that they have “many” or “usually have” close companions/friends are combined, 62.5% of respondents in three-generation households and 57.7% of respondents in two-couple households, but this figure decreases to 45.0% for single-person households (Figure 4).

e. Social isolation of men elderly

　In addition, a 2017 survey by the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research (NIPSSR) revealed that the social isolation of male elderly people is notable. When comparing the frequency of conversations among groups from this survey, Table 1 shows that elderly single men (65 years and older) have the lowest frequency of conversations. Even among those under 65 years old, 8.3% of non-elderly single men said they talked less than once every two weeks, almost twice as many as women. It can be clearly seen single men, not only elderly but also working-age, tend to have fewer conversations.

　Table 1   Frequency of Conversation among the Elderly (%)　

	Every day	Once every 2 to 3 days	Once every 4 to 7 days	Less than once every 2 weeks
Elderly single men (364 persons)	49.5	25	10.7	14.8
Elderly single women (717)	61.1	26.1	7.4	5.4
Non-elderly single men (672)	76	11.9	3.7	8.4
Non-elderly single women (481)	84	8.7	2.9	4.4

　As shown in Table 2, 30.1% of single elderly men and 22.7% of non-elderly single men answered that there was no one they could rely on for daily help. This clearly shows that single men have no one they can rely on compared to women. Men are also more likely than women to say that they do not rely on others for help. Men tend to have a strong sense of avoidance of relying on others and believe that they must do everything by themselves. It can be said that traditional values about men are a factor in the social isolation of men living alone.

Table 2:　People who can be relied on for “small daily help” ：　by household type（ %)

	I do not have	I do not rely on others for help	Yes, I have
Elderly single men (332 persons)	30.1	15.4	54.5
Elderly single women (646)	9.1	11.1	79.7
Non-elderly single men (649)	22.7	19.1	58.2
Non-elderly single women (467)	10.1	6.6	83.3

2: The Importance of Community Spaces

a. Promotion of the establishment of community spaces by national and local governments

　As mentioned above, social isolation among the elderly is deepening. To solve this problem, the creation of community spaces is attracting attention. A community space is a place where neighbors can gather, have tea parties, enjoy hobbies and activities, and a place where a variety of people can comfortably stop by to interact and make new acquaintances.

　There are many different names for community space in each region. They are called community cafes, community salons, community cafes, hangouts and so on.

　The Cabinet Office’s “White Paper on Aging Society 2009” points out the importance of community spaces and introduces various types: spaces that are open every day, also spaces in public facilities that are operated in cooperation with residents or local governments.

　Governments are promoting the creation of community spaces. In 2006, the national government formulated a comprehensive community care system, which is the basis of policies to support the elderly. This system relies on integrated support for housing, medical care, nursing care, prevention, and daily life to ensure that people can continue to live in familiar communities until the end of their lives. The government also includes a community space as part of this system of support. Community spaces are positioned as care prevention projects, broadly defined as follows.

1) A space the municipality judges will contribute to the prevention of the need for nursing care through physical exercises and hobby activities.

2) The owner of the space is resident.

3) The operation of the space is not limited to those for whom the municipality provides financial support.

　According to a survey conducted by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare in FY2018, 106,766 community spaces have been opened nationwide, but the participation rate as a percentage of the population aged 65 and over is stagnant at 5.7%. In Hyogo Prefecture, the participation rate is slightly higher at 10%.

　In addition, the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare has been promoting the development of community welfare centers throughout Japan since around 1990. According to a survey conducted by the NPO; CS Kobe, there are 171 of these types of government-established community spaces in Kobe City.

b. Citizen and NPO supported community spaces

Not only the government, but also local citizens’ groups and NPOs have been promoting the creation of community spaces. The Sawayaka Welfare Foundation has been supporting such spaces throughout Japan by organizing a Summit and other events. The Sawayaka Welfare Foundation calls community spaces “Fureai-no-ibaaso,” which means spaces where people of many generations living in the community can freely participate and spend time while making the most of themselves through proactive involvement. The Sawayaka Welfare Foundation defines the following five roles required of a community space.

1) People can drop in at any time and return at any time.

2) Anyone can use them, children, housewives, the elderly, people with disabilities, workers, etc.

3) Anyone can spend their time freely.

4) Anyone can make use of their experiences and abilities.

5) A space where my existence is acknowledged and gain self-confidence through interaction and mutual help.

　In Kobe City, many citizens’ groups and NPOs are supporting the creation of community spaces for citizens.  For example, CS Kobe: Community Support Center Kobe, an intermediary support NPO, has been holding an annual Community Spaces Summit since 2016, bringing together organizations and people interested in running such spaces in Kobe. According to CS Kobe survey in 2017, there are 145 private community spaces in Kobe City.

c. Expectations for community spaces

　As already mentioned, the government assumes that participation in community spaces will lower the need for nursing care. Previous studies have indicated that participation in community spaces has a positive effect on the physical and mental health of the elderly, leading to the prevention of frailty. For example, a 2010 survey by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare (MHLW) showed that the percentage of elderly people at risk of dementia was lower in areas with a higher percentage of participation in community activities and volunteer groups, and that the average depression score was lower in areas with a higher percentage of participation in hobby-related groups. In other words, elderly people who do not go out and stay at home are more likely to suffer from dementia and depression, while elderly people who interact with others and make various connections through community spaces can improve their physical and mental health.　

　In a recent study on the level of happiness and life satisfaction among the elderly, it was found that both men and women who participated in external groups, traveled more frequently, ate with friends more frequently, and participated in social and volunteer activities more frequently had higher levels of happiness and satisfaction. This trend is more pronounced for women than for men. In addition, when looking at the amount of time spent watching TV, a decrease in happiness was observed when the amount of time spent watching TV was six hours or more per day. A space to visit raises the level of happiness of the elderly, while confinement to the home lowers it.

　Another important role expected of community spaces is that they will deepen the ties between people living in the community and develop into a space for mutual aid in the community. In fact, a variety of mutual-help activities such as shopping for the elderly, taking out the trash, supporting people with disabilities, and providing meals to needy children and adults have developed nationwide through community spaces. In local communities, there are countless issues that are not covered by the national nursing care system or other welfare systems. To solve such problems, there are great expectations for community spaces as local bases for detailed support. The Sawayaka Welfare Foundation calls these spaces for mutual help “symbiotic permanent spaces” that promote “mutual aid” in the community and is working to expand this type of space.

 3: Survey in Kobe City

　Every year since 2017, the authors have collaborated with CS Kobe to conduct a joint survey on the situation and challenges of creating community space in Kobe. In the following, I would like to introduce the results of the joint survey conducted in 2018 and show the actual situation and issues of the use of community space by the elderly in Kobe City.

In the 2018 survey, we conducted a questionnaire survey of 508 users of 24 community spaces that are open at least twice a month in Kobe City. Of the 508 respondents, 79.4% were 65 years old or older, and 30% were 80 years old or older, indicating that many spaces for the elderly to gather in Kobe City are spaces for the elderly 65 years old or older.

a. Age and gender of users

　To see the differences in the use of spaces by the elderly depending on their age and gender, the results of a total of 417 people, divided into four groups: semi-senior men, semi-senior women, senior men, and senior women as shown in Table 3. The semi-seniors are those in the age group of 60 to 74 years old, and the seniors are those over 75 years old. The results of the survey are summarized as follows.

Table 3　 Age and Gender of Respondents

	men	women
semi-senior：60-74	36	159
senior：over 75	44	178
total	80	337

　As shown in Table 3, the total number of respondents is 80 men and 337 women. There were more respondents in the senior group than in the semi-senior group for both men and women. The number of male users of community spaces is extremely low for both groups. They amount to about a quarter of the number of women. In Section 1, we pointed out the current situation of isolation among elderly men on various surveys. In fact, the problem of isolation is reflected in the low participation of men in community spaces. By contrast, women are central to the activities of community spaces. Looking at the total number of people, we can see that most of the users of the community space are elderly women.

b. Types of community spaces

　The following is a description of the types of community space surveyed, based on the classification by the Sarayaku Welfare Foundation.

　Type 1: Basic: A space that serves as a model to help expand the number of spaces throughout the community. It is a space where people who want to start a new space or who are worried about management can visit and ask for advice.

　Type 2: Exchange: A space where anyone can go at any time and spend time freely. It is a space where people can connect through natural exchanges like tea ceremonies and hobby activities.

　Type 3: Event: A space where people can participate in a variety of programs depending on the time of day or day of the week and be attracted to events.

　Type 4: Meals: A space where participants can eat together and interact naturally with each other.

　Type 5: Support: A space to help people with problems such as shopping, support for people with dementia and their families, support for people raising children, support for people with disabilities and shut-ins, etc.

　Many of the spaces we surveyed overlapped these categories, making it difficult to clearly classify them. If we make a rough classification, we can say that there are no Type 1 core spaces. Type 2 exchange spaces are the most common, accounting for about half of the total. These are spaces where people gather for tea ceremonies and hobby activities. The next most common type is the combination of Type 3 Event and Type 4 Meal. This is a space where lunch is served, and hobby activities and natural interaction are held at other times. There were four Type 5 Supportive community spaces.

d. Frequency of use of community space

　The largest percentage of both semi-seniors and seniors use a community space once a week. This is followed by twice a month or 2-3 times a week. In terms of the number of times a week or more, the percentage of seniors who use the space four times a week is higher than that of semi-seniors. It can be said that seniors are as active in using community space as semi-seniors.

Table 4 　Frequency of use of community space

	Once a month	Twice a month	Once a week	2-3 times a week	More than 4 times a week
Semi-Senior men	15%	18%	38%	21%	9%
Semi-Senior women	24%	24%	28%	16%	7%
Senior men	7%	24%	32%	24%	12%
Senior women	9%	20%	42%	14%	15%

4.  Purpose and Effect of Using a Community Space

a. Purpose of using a community space

　In the questionnaire, reasons for using a community space were listed with 11 options (multiple answers were allowed). Figure 5 shows the top six responses by group. The percentages (%) in Figure 5 show the percentage of responses for each option out of the total number of responses for each group (100%). In all groups, the selection rate of items such as “to chat,” “to enjoy my hobby,” and “to drink tea” was high. The same trend can be seen when comparing men and women in the senior group. For seniors, the main purpose of a space is to relax and communicate with friends while eating and drinking.

b. Effects of using a community space

　To understand the actual effects of using a community space, the questionnaire asked the respondents how their lives and relationships with other people had changed since they started using a space, with 16 possible answers (multiple answers were accepted). As shown in Table 5, the 16 options can be arranged into the following three categories.

Table 5: List of options by category for the effects of using a community space

A: Problem Solving my own and local problems   I was able to solve my own problems. I became more interested in issues in the community and society.   I became more concerned about others. I have found someone I can turn to when I need help. I Began to be asked for advice. I Began to participate in community activities and volunteer work.

B: Improvement of human connections I found a space where I can drop by and talk. I have more friends and acquaintances.  I was able to get to know people of different generations. I found people to do hobbies and community activities with. I found someone who cares about me. I became more concerned about others.

C: Improved mental and physical health   My life has become more fulfilling. I have a purpose in life. I became healthier. My meals have become more delicious. I can sleep better. I have become more regular in my life.

Figure 6 shows the responses of each group organized by these three categories. From Figure 6, we can see that the response rate for “Improved human relations” was the highest for all groups. There is almost no difference in the response rate between the groups. It can be said that the community spaces have a great effect on expanding the network of new human relationships.

The next highest response rate was for the effect on “health improvement”. Looking at the results by gender, the response rate for “effect on health” was slightly higher for women than for men. Also, by age, the response rate was higher for seniors than for semi-seniors. As people get older, they become more concerned about their health, so community spaces have a great effect on improving the mental and physical health of seniors.

Looking at the effect on Problem Solving, an interesting trend can be seen. The overall response rate for “problem solving” was the lowest, suggesting that the effect of community space on solving local problems is somewhat weak. However, when we look at the difference by gender, the response rate of men is higher than that of women for both semi-senior (25% for men and 20% for women) and senior citizens (19% for men and 16% for women). It can be inferred those men are more interested in solving various problems in the community than women.

To see the effect on problem solving in more detail, I extracted the responses to the two options in the “Problem solving” category that clearly indicated an interest in problem solving. The results are shown in Table 6 below. For both options, the male group had a higher response rate than the female group. It can be seen from Table 8 that men tend to become more interested in local and social issues through their participation in community space and become more actively involved in community and volunteer activities.

Table 6: Effect on community problem solving

	Men semi- Senior	Women semi- Senior	Men  Senior	Women  Senior
Became more interested in community and social issues	42%	28%	32%	20%
Became more involved in community activities and volunteer work	39%	16%	18%	10%

Summary of Survey Results and Possibilities for Future Community Space　

a. summary of survey results　

The following is a summary of the findings from the 2018 survey of 24 locations in Kobe.

1) The largest group of users of our community space is senior citizens (75 years old or older). The number of male users is extremely small, and among both senior and semi- senior users, men are no more than a quarter of women as users.

2) Senior citizens actively use spaces no less than semi-senior citizens. There is no difference in frequency of using the community space for seniors compared to associate seniors. About 30% of the seniors use it “2-3 times a week” and “4 or more times a week”.

3) There was no difference between semi-seniors and seniors in terms of the purpose of using community space, with “to chat,” “to enjoy one’s hobbies” and “to drink tea” being the most common purposes.

4) A comparison of the effects of community spaces on problem solving between men and women shows that the involvement rate of men is higher than that of women in both semi and senior groups. It can be inferred that men are more interested in solving various problems in the community than women.

From the above results, we can see that the elderly who we classify as “senior age” are active and energetic. Even the elderly of senior age use community spaces as often as other age groups and make use of them for their own enjoyment and health. By doing so, they also make new connections with people. Community centers have become an important community resource for the elderly.

b. Challenges in creating spaces for men to participate.

　Dr. Rika Kayama, a well-known psychiatrist, has said that the elderly in Japan, compared to other countries, tend to think that they must take care of themselves and are less able to enjoy human relationships and social participation, which may be hindering their mental health. Our research has shown that this tendency is particularly prevalent among elderly men.

Many of the senior men who spent their working lives in the Showa era (1926-1989) are workaholics who have lived only through company connections. They are not good at “making their debut in the community” because they did not have a role in the family or the community. It has been pointed out that elderly men who have no connection with the community are at risk of leaving their houses extraordinarily untidy in extreme cases and they are also at risk of self-neglect-types of abuse such as self-mutilation, suicide, and self-abandonment. The number of elderly men living alone is expected to increase in the future, so it is hoped that many of them will participate in community spaces where they can live.

Arata Kusunoki’s best-selling book, “After Retirement,” also provides hints for men for community space participation. For example, he points out that retirees who have worked in companies for a long time are accustomed to “doing what must be done” and “fulfilling one’s role,” and that “joint work with duty and responsibility” is a motivation for their participation.

The results of this survey also show the importance of “duty and responsibility” among men. A higher percentage of men than women selected the items of “I became interested in community and social issues” and “I became involved in community and volunteer activities.” In other words, men who had no connection with the local community began to go and interacted with local residents, which helped them recognize the local issues and develop an awareness of their duty and responsibility to the community. By making good use of this sense of duty and responsibility that men already have, and by clarifying the roles of men, it may be possible for more men to participate in community space.

In creating community spaces, it is desirable to make use of the characteristics of men and at the same time to innovate the role of community spaces. It is hoped that the “exchange-type,” “event-type,” and “dinner party-type” spaces, which are currently held once or twice a month, could become “support-type” spaces that provide a variety of programs such as daily life support, multi-generational exchange, and services to help each other. In the future, local community spaces can become an important resource for building communities that help each other.

Robert D. Putnam, a well-known researcher on social capital, pointed out that horizontal networks of residents are the driving force behind the creation of mutual aid communities. The creation of a horizontal network of people becomes the “capital” of the community and creates a relationship of reciprocity: reciprocity in which people help each other. In other words, as people’s connections deepen, a sense of awareness and actions to help each other will be fostered in the community.

A community space can be a base for accumulating this kind of social relationship capital in the community. The elderly people who use these spaces are not passive or reluctant users but have the potential to become important human resources who actively contribute to the community in order to build and rebuild a community where people can help each other.

【注】この論文は野津隆志「高齢者の孤立を防ぐ居場所づくり」研究紀要　兵庫県人権啓発協会　第22輯　2020年を元に飜訳した。

[Note] This paper was translated based on the research bulletin , “Creating Community Spaces to Prevent Isolation among the Elderly” Hyogo Prefecture Human Rights Awareness Association, Vol. 22, 2020.

References 　 omitted